DPA Working Papers

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/1885/292045

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Open Access
A Destiny by Choice: New Caledonia’s Riots in 2024
(Canberra, ACT: Dept. of Pacific Affairs, Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, The Australian National University, 2024-10-24) Tevahitua, Raihaamana
In a speech delivered less than a year ago in Nouméa, New Caledonia, French President Macron stated, ‘35 years ago, nothing was written. What you were able to do was to rise above the worst of events, the worst of fears and the worst of divisions; together, we were able to preserve peace … it is a treasure’ (Élysée 26/7/2023). On 13 May 2024, the eruption of violent disturbances across the Greater Nouméa area served as a reminder that the continuation of civilian peace in New Caledonia (NC) is the result of a deliberate and collective decision. This is equally true of its cessation. This crisis is situated within the historical context of the ‘Kanak revolts’ (1878, 1917 and 1980s) and a broader regional trend of increased political violence, characterised by a prevalence of urban riots due to grievances with the state and to ethnic conflicts (Ride 21/11/2022). In particular, the quasi-civil war of 1984–88 in NC led to the attainment of the highest degree of autonomy within the French Republic, and the promise of an independence referendum. The decolonisation process, one of the most protracted of the 20th century, has manifested in the creation of an agency in charge of the retrocession of customary lands, the reallocation of control of the nickel industry, an institutional design that, in retrospect, has favoured ‘independentists’ interests and the organisation of a cycle of three referendums on self-determination (2018–21). Despite these efforts, the ongoing unrest poses a dilemma between the process of decolonisation and democracy. Indeed, the French state has proposed a constitutional reform for provincial elections in favour of an electorate defined by 10 years residence on the basis of economic contribution and social embedding. In this way, Paris appears to equate the political legitimacy of this new electorate with that of a millennial society and a 170-year settlement bound by a ‘common destiny’. Furthermore, the political legitimacy of two referendums (2018, 2020) marked by an 80 per cent turnout is equated with that of the last referendum in 2021 which achieved a 43 per cent turnout due to the abstention of supporters of independence. In light of mounting antagonism between the loyalists (pro-France), the French state and the independence movement, how should we make sense of their power struggle? This Working Paper will attempt to elucidate the underlying factors that precipitated this upheaval, the subsequent repercussions, and the positions of the various actors involved, up until 13 June 2024.
Open Access
Australian Aid in the South West Pacific Insider/Outsider Perspectives
(Canberra, ACT: State, Society and Governance in Melanesia (SSGM) Program, The Australian National University, 2003) Saovana-Spriggs, Ruth; O'Collins, Maev
Introduction In his introduction to papers presented at a conference on Development that Works! Crosbie Walsh cautioned that: … development is different things to different people; it is people, society and time specific; it is something which requires vision, deferred gratification, and hard work; it cannot be achieved without cooperation; it is dependent on the favourable interaction of political, social and economic forces at local, national and global levels, it is not inevitable, and it can so easily come unstuck.If for 'development' the words 'effective aid' are substituted, this cautionary statement is equally cogent when examining the future path for Australian aid in 2003. Questions arise: Whose vision of development or effective aid? How do we gauge whether those involved are providing the hard work and accepting the need for deferred gratification, which may be required to achieve success? Just who is being developed - those who provide donor aid or those who receive it? What do we mean by 'cooperation'? Does it imply acceptance of the donor agency's development ideas and strategies or is there some sort of shared vision and shared planning in order to reach mutually agreed upon outcomes? There are geographical and historical imperatives which call for a greater focus on the effectiveness of Australian aid in the South-West Pacific. In his lecture on ‘The South Pacific-Policy Taboos, Popular Amnesia and Political Failures’, Graeme Dobell argued that Australia needs to ‘accept its unique role in the Pacific as a great gift, not a burden’. The implications of 90 years in a colonial role in Papua New Guinea and Australia’s geographical location cannot be ignored. Security, economic, political and social issues are all closely interrelated so: ‘Australia needs to start talking in terms of community and people rather than aid and exits'. While it may be an understandable temptation to exit when aid seems to be failing to achieve positive outcomes, it is clear that for Australia this is not a desirable or even achievable response.
Open Access
Beneath the State: Chiefs of Santa Isabel, Solomon Islands, coping and adapting
(Canberra, ACT: Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, 2014) Baines, Graham
That Solomon Islands village communities find their governments to be distant and invisible is not a new observation (Wairiu, et al, 2003, among others). Allen and Dinnen, 2013, have aptly described what happens locally as ‘beneath the state’. During the ‘tension years’ 1998-2003 Solomon Islands national government for an extended period was unable to function but village communities not involved in militia action continued under traditional governance. In terms of both presence and performance the perception of most villagers is that chiefly governance is ‘above’ the State.
Open Access
Beyond ethnicity: the political economy of the Guadalcanal crisis in Solomon Islands
(Canberra, ACT: State, Society and Governance in Melanesia (SSGM) Program, The Australian National University, 2001) Kabutaulaka, Tarcisius Tara
Solomon Islands has suffered tremendously from the two-year-old crisis in Guadalcanal, the largest island in the archipelago. The war which started as a result of an attempt by some indigenous Guadalcanal to displace a rapidly growing immigrant population (mostly Malaitans) on their island has now become a national crisis. It threatens national unity and further weakens the capacity of the state to address development issues. So far, most of the discussions on the crisis have highlighted ethnicity as a major factor causing the crisis. This paper argues that the crisis was, in fact triggered by successive governments’ poor policies, a flawed political system, poor leadership and other socio-economic development issues that have not been addressed.
Open Access
Building bridges - law and justice reform in Papua New Guinea
(Canberra, ACT: State, Society and Governance in Melanesia (SSGM) Program, Research School of Asia and Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, 2001) Dinnen, Sinclair; Jowitt, Anita; Newton Cain, Tess
Introduction: Problems of lawlessness loom large in current accounts of Papua New Guinea. Concerns about these have induced high levels of personal insecurity, as well as providing a major disincentive to foreign investment. While such problems cannot be resolved by law and justice solutions alone, the continuing deterioration of PNG's ‘law and order’ situation raises questions about the adequacy of the formal regulatory system. Successive governments have been loud with ‘tough’ rhetoric, like many of their counterparts elsewhere. Practical responses have been essentially reactive and short-term. Australia, PNG’s largest aid donor, has claimed to concentrate on institutional-strengthening projects with individual law and justice agencies. While there have been achievements, it is clear that improving the performance of law and justice processes is a complex and long-term task and one that needs to be integrated with other areas of governance reform. Building a more effective law and justice sector requires strategies that go beyond the strengthening of particular institutions. Given the operational inter-dependence of law and justice agencies, a broader sectoral focus is needed. In addition, while the state is the central player, there is a need to recognise the contributions of other stakeholders to the management of conflict and maintenance of peace at local levels. PNG’s non-government sector, comprising ‘traditional’ structures of governance, community groups, churches, NGOs and the private sector, already plays a significant, if often unacknowledged, role. A sustainable law and justice framework needs to delineate responsibilities between different organisations and develop appropriate and mutually reinforcing linkages between government and non-government sectors. This paper examines the challenges facing PNG’s law and justice sector and identifies key directions for reform. Section one describes the broader context of PNG’s problems of order, including the acute fragility of the nation-state and the high levels of social and legal pluralism. Attention is drawn to the restorative character of many ‘traditional’ justice practices and the manner of their interactions with colonial institutions of social control. Section two examines the workings of the modern criminal justice system. Its shortcomings are attributed as much to a lack of legitimacy and strong social foundations as to its patent lack of institutional capacity. The final section looks at the recently endorsed National Law and Justice Policy (The National Law and Justice Policy and Plan of Action) and the prospects for building a more socially attuned and effective law and justice system.
Open Access
China in the South Pacific
(Canberra, ACT: Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, 2007) Hegarty, David
Open Access
Civil society, social capital and the churches: HIV/AIDS in Papua New Guinea
(Canberra, ACT: State, Society and Governance in Melanesia (SSGM) Program, The Australian National University, 2004) Luker, Vicki
The churches are crucial actors in the response to Papua New Guineas growing problem with HIV/AIDS, but often they excite ambivalence. While several have led the way in supporting people affected by HIV, Christianity tends to be identified with teachings about sexuality and an opposition to condoms that many people involved with prevention deplore. In this paper I try to move beyond the glib assessment that the churches are bad at prevention, good at care. I frame HIV/AIDS in terms of development, and broadly conceptualise the activities that can affect the course and impacts of the epidemic. Without venturing far into theoretical debates surrounding civil society and social capital, I use these concepts or ideas associated with them - to think about the churches. Although they are major institutions in PNG and other Pacific Island countries, very little secular analysis of their contemporary social capacities and roles is available. Finally, I reflect upon the future roles of the churches in response to HIV/AIDS. These parting thoughts have some bearing on general issues concerning the role of churches in development.
Open Access
Collier in Melanesia: A discussion of Paul Collier's 'The bottom billion: Why the poorest countries are failing and what can be done about it'
(Canberra, ACT: Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, 2008) Nelson, Hank
Former director of development research at the World Bank and now Professor of Economics and Director of the Centre for the Study of African Economies at Oxford University, Paul Collier has written a broad and brave book on why one sixth of the world’s population suffer long-term poverty and poor government, what can be done about it, and why it is in the interests of all nations to do something.1 Collier’s aim it to identify the ‘traps’ that ensnare and hold poor nations and the policies that are most likely to lead to their escape. His immediate concern is not with the millions of poor within rich and middle-level nations – the problems of opportunity and distribution. He is defining questions and presenting answers at the broadest level on other major issues of our time: how do citizens in the failed and faltering states begin to turn them into efficient and fair nation-states, and how do those in developed nations, multi-national organizations and non-government agencies transfer material and non-material aid to under-developed nations so that it has a measurable, beneficial effect. The quotes from the relevant and eminent on the back cover of The Bottom Billions make high claims: ‘The best nonfiction book so far this year’ (Nicholas Kristof), ‘Path-breaking’ (George Soros), and ‘Should be compulsory reading’ (The Economist). Given the topic, the recommendations, and its immediate relevance to international aid policy and practice, this is a book worth close examination. In a study that draws its evidence from across the globe and offers analysis and answers for all donor nations, multinational agencies and recipients, it is inevitable that readers will check for accuracy against those bits of the globe familiar to them. So what does Collier say about Australia and the region?
Open Access
Conflict Prevention in the Pacific
(Canberra, ACT: Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, 2006) Spence, Rebecca; Wielders, Iris
Open Access
Crisis in Timor Leste: Looking Beyond the Surface Reality for Causes and Solutions
(Canberra, ACT: Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, 2006) Curtain, Richard
What caused the current upheaval in East Timor? The World Bank’s President, Paul Wolfowitz, visited the country in early April, 2006 and hailed it as a model of post conflict recovery. He praised Timor-Leste’s social and political harmony and stability, due to the ‘country's sensible leadership and sound decision making which have helped put in place the building blocks for a stable peace and a growing economy’. However, the World Bank did state in July 2005 in a major assessment of the state of the country that: ‘Despite considerable progress, the current stability in Timor-Leste is fragile, and the country remains vulnerable to conflict’.
Open Access
The Dangers of Political Party Strengthening Legislation in Solomon Islands
(Canberra, ACT: Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, 2008) Fraenkel, Jon; Regan, Anthony; Hegarty, David
The Solomon Islands government is considering introducing laws aimed at strengthening political parties, at restricting MPs from switching sides and at halting excessive use of ‘no confidence’ motions. The government wants to (i) abolish the constitutional position of the ‘Leader of the Independents’ , (ii) reform the process of selection of Prime Ministers and (iii) build a more coherent party system by adopting legislation similar to that experimented with in Papua New Guinea . The aim is to increase political stability, and give Prime Ministers and Cabinets an opportunity to implement their policies without having to focus continually on sustaining fragile coalitions, or on attracting opposition members to cross the floor to strengthen governments.
Open Access
Decolonising American Micronesia
(Canberra, ACT: Dept. of Pacific Affairs, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, 2020) Fisher, William; Firth, Stewart
This writing of this Working Paper was prompted by the American decision in 2019 to renegotiate the Compacts of Free Association between the United States and the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) and the Republic of Palau. At stake are the expiring provisions of the Compact in each case, and initial talks began in May 2020. In particular, Bill Fisher, who served as Australian consul general to Micronesia 1983–87, wished to set the record straight, from his personal perspective, on Australia’s historical role in encouraging the incorporation of the three freely associated states into the wider diplomatic network of Pacific regionalism, especially into the South Pacific Forum. His account is revealing as only a personal account can be. Stewart Firth sets this account in the wider historical framework of the time, from the Cold War to the response of the region to French nuclear tests.
Open Access
Developing Papua New Guinea’s Tourism Sector
(Canberra, ACT: Dept. of Pacific Affairs, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, 2020) Sumb, Allan
This paper focuses on tourism in Papua New Guinea (PNG) and a range of challenges that hinder the progress of tourism development. Over the years, tourism has seen continued growth and increasing expansion to become one of the leading and fastest growing economic sectors across the globe (Mihalic 2014; Rayel et al. 2014; SPTO 2018). Modern tourism is directly connected to developmental progress and includes an increasing number of new sites being developed as tourist destinations (Mihalic 2014; Rayel et al. 2014; UNWTO 2016). With its vast and untouched natural environment, PNG has a great deal of potential as a tourist destination (Rayel et al. 2014). However, tourism visitation to PNG in the last few years has been relatively low compared to smaller Pacific Island countries (Rayel et al. 2014; Sumb 2017). In 2006, the PNG Tourism Promotion Authority (PNG TPA) released the Papua New Guinea Tourism Sector Review and Master Plan (2007–2017), the aim of which was to bolster tourism growth.The PNG TPA identified a number of factors that dissuaded potential tourists from visiting such as insufficient infrastructure, concerns about adequate health services and the dangers posed to tourists by criminal activities (Basu 2000; Bhanugopan 2001; PNG TPA 2006; Rayel et al. 2014). The objective of this paper is to investigate, identify and discuss the factors that deter tourists from visiting PNG
Open Access
'Fabricated Security Space': The Manus Regional Processing Centre and gendered discourse between Australia and Papua New Guinea
(Canberra, ACT: Dept. of Pacific Affairs, Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, The Australian National University, 2023-09-08) Rooney, Nayahamui Michelle
Global processes such as mass human migration because of conflict or natural disasters, geopolitical rivalries, climate-induced insecurity and other forces have heightened policy focus on security. This has included securitisation processes, wherein issues that may have previously been regarded as social or humanitarian challenges are increasingly viewed as security threats. This paper draws on feminist security studies and the analytical frame of a ‘fabricated security space’ to examine the gendered dimensions of the security and securitisation discourses in the bilateral relationship between Australia and Papua New Guinea (PNG) between 2012 and 2019. Specifically, I focus on Australia’s offshore detention of asylum seekers in the Manus Regional Processing Centre (RPC) during this period as one aspect of this bilateral relationship. The Australian policy and resultant highly secured detention centre complex were superimposed onto PNG’s own diverse and complex social fabric of security characterised by gendered social relationships. The Manus RPC complex, and the actors who arrived with it, set in motion a chain reaction that increasingly revealed the porous nature of this fabricated security space, leading to the undermining of bilateral efforts to address insecurity in the sense of high levels of crime, ethnic violence and gender-based violence in PNG. A key lesson from this period is the need to better appreciate relationality and mutuality in security discourse. Practices, events and discourses in and about each country are simultaneously and relationally shaped by factors domestic, bilateral and beyond, and each country’s contexts. While each country may deal individually with security as a national issue, this case study highlights how practices, policies, events and discourses can flow beyond national borders to shape the bilateral relationship between two countries and the security discourses within each country. This materialises into a range of outcomes that in turn feed back to shape the discourse.
Open Access
The failures of the organic law on the integrity of political parties and candidates
(Canberra, ACT: State, Society and Governance in Melanesia (SSGM) Program, The Australian National University, 2005) Gelu, Alphonse
Papua New Guinea (PNG) had its democratic institutions and processes established during the 1960’s. This process began with the establishment of the Legislative Council in 1959 and later the House of Assembly in 1964. The discussion of the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates (OLIPPAC) relates to political parties and candidates, therefore a brief mention will be made on the historical evolution of political parties in Papua New Guinea. Political parties first emerged in Papua New Guinea in 1967. Two of the earliest parties were the Pangu Party and the United Party. Political parties in the history of PNG first contested the 1968 national election (Moore and Kooyman, 1998). The emergence of the different groups that later became political parties became sporadic which brought about the multiparty nature of the party system in the country. During the 1972 election, new political groups such as the People’s Progress Party, National Party, Melanesian Alliance and other smaller groups emerged and contested the election. Other groups based on nationalistic sentiments also contested but most of them did not last after the 1982 national election (May, 1982). This paper will look at the failures of the OLIPPAC. The first part will be a general discussion of the OLIPPAC. The second part will look at the events after the 2002 elections, which have affected the effectiveness of the OLIPPAC. The third part will discuss how and why the OLIPPAC has failed to provide the much-needed political stability. And finally the paper will look at some remedies to the failures.
Open Access
The Foi Incorporated Land Group: law and custom in group definition and collective action in the Kutubu oil project area, PNG
(Canberra, ACT: State, Society and Governance in Melanesia (SSGM) Program, The Australian National University, 2001) Weiner, James
Introduction:......In this paper I examine the genesis and progress of the incorporated land group (ILG) in Papua New Guinea. The ILG is a legal entity empowered by legislation passed in 1974 to give legal and formal recognition, protection and powers to customary landowning groups in PNG. Foi and Fasu clans and Gulf Province clans in the Kutubu oil project area, at the instigation of the Chevron Niugini Company (CNGL) the managing partner of the Kutubu Joint Venture, have become incorporated under the Papua New Guinea Land Group Incorporation Act (1974) and have been receiving royalty payments from the sale of petroleum. The Incorporated Land Group has been viewed by the Company as the best mechanism with which to: · establish stability and remove ambiguity over ownership of territory · establish acceptable mechanisms for the selection of landowner representatives · effectively channel royalty and other petroleum-derived revenues to landowners · build upon what is perceived as a customary social unit of long standing in Papua New Guinea and thus capitalize upon the stability of customary cultural units (Power n.d., emphasis added). But since the original round of ILG registrations, there have been numerous applications for new ILG status from sub-groups within these original ILGs incorporated in the early 90's. In 1998, thirteen new Fasu ILG applications were lodged, all of them by sub-groups within already incorporated clans. The most common complaint being made is that the income is not being satisfactorily shared by those members of the executive committee designated by the ILG to distribute its income. These new ILG's wish to have their own passbooks and receive their income payments directly. The Company interprets this trend in two ways: as a sign that local clan leaders are dishonest and that local people themselves have not yet sufficiently understood the nature of contemporary managerial procedure. They stop short of admitting the possibility that the clans themselves are not “customarily” either corporate or collective units that exist for the common interest of its members. I will argue here that it is the ILG mechanism that is essentially faulty, not the behavior or the moral quality of land owners. One of the main points I wish to make is that, in line with Goody’s earlier observation quoted above, there is too much assumption that the internal affairs and composition of landowning social units are both practically and ontologically prior to their external relations. The companies and government departments who have attempted to implement the Land Group Incorporation Act have made an ethnographically indefeasible apportionment of the “political” to external relations among land-holding units and consequently see the resulting conflict and competition within them as adventitious and subversive of the “customary” land-holding units themselves. The LGIA is based on a quite erroneous assumption of the communal nature of land-holding and transmission within the Melanesian “clan”, and of its essentially “collective” interest. As Evans-Pritchard reminded us, however, and which became a founding approach of the Manchester school of African social anthropology in the 50’s and 60’s, the whole concept of the segmentary lineage system around which the attributes of corporateness were first empirically examined was founded on the notion of enduring and regular structural relations of conflict and consequent group fission as the mode of societal reproduction. Acts of legislation such as the PNG LGIA have disregarded this aspect of societal formation in PNG with the resulting problems that companies such as Chevron have encountered in applying the LGIA to customary “land holding” units.
Open Access
For Sale: Analysis of exclusion of people from land in Melanesia and directions forward
(Canberra, ACT: Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, 2014) Allen, Matthew; McDonnell, Siobhan; Filer, Colin
A two-day “publication workshop” was convened by SSGM/ANU and Oxfam Australia as part of the Australian Association for Pacific Studies (AAPS) biennial conference held at Sydney University. The workshop brought together policymakers, academics, NGOs and activists with a shared interest in contemporary land issues in post-colonial Melanesia. It was chaired by Mr Ralph Regenvanu, Vanuatu Minister for Lands and Natural Resources, and involved a number of other distinguished guest participants including Mr Charles Lepani, High Commissioner for Papua New Guinea, Dr James Weiner (ANU) and professors George Curry (Curtin University), John Connell (University of Sydney) and Margaret Jolly (ANU). Highlights The eleven papers and one interview that were presented at the workshop were empirically and theoretically rich, and, though diverse in terms of topics and approaches, there were a number of theoretical and thematic threads that wove them together into an intellectually coherent set (see below). Collectively the papers presented provide a unique set of perspectives on land issues in Melanesia, including from Melanesian researchers and a significant number of women researchers. Many of the authors had not previously written about land and offered their unique „voices‟ as part of the larger international debate. Some of the empirics that were presented were especially striking, for example that the region‟s urban settlements are growing at an average rate of 7 per cent per annum and that 12 per cent of PNG‟s land area has come under Special Agricultural and Business Leases (SABLs) since 1995. The stories told of the recent “ministerial land grab” in Vanuatu, PNG‟s SABL saga, and the contemporary political economy of land allocation in Honiara were particularly sobering. However, these were tempered by more positive stories, for example, the recent passage of a major land reform programme in Vanuatu, that gave cause for optimism. The diverse array of actors that animated these stories was also striking: from the cleaners and drivers in the Vanuatu Lands Department who had been gifted land titles by the previous Minister, to shady “Asian businessmen” and globalised oil palm corporations. Collectively the workshop participants were challenged, by Minister Regenvanu and other participants from the region, to ensure that the research findings are communicated effectively and made available to those who have the most potential to be empowered by them. Charles Lepani also pointed to the importance of developing collaborative research partnerships between foreign researchers and Pacific Islander researchers and policy-makers. One highlight of the first day was Charles Lepani‟s reading aloud of a text message from the Prime Minister of PNG, Peter O‟Neill, which announced publically for the first time that SABL‟s “that have been abused for forestry” will be cancelled or suspended and that cabinet approval will be required for leases over “large parcels of land” (reported by Radio Australia here).
Open Access
Health Care Management in Australia’s and New Zealand’s Seasonal Worker Schemes
(Canberra, ACT: Dept. of Pacific Affairs, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, 2020) Bailey, Rochelle
Globally, it is estimated that there are over 164 million labour migrants, many of whom are temporary migrants choosing overseas labour mobility options as a way to improve livelihoods for their families and communities. This paper discusses the relatively untouched topic of temporary migrants’ health care management in Australia’s Seasonal Worker Program (SWP) and New Zealand’s Recognised Seasonal Employer Scheme (RSE), which are temporary seasonal worker schemes.
Open Access
How Does the 'Pacific' Fit into the 'Indo-Pacific'? The Changing Geopolitics of the Pacific Islands: Workshop Report
(Canberra, ACT: Dept. of Pacific Affairs, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, 2019) Wallis, Joanne; Batley, James; Seaton, Ruben
How does the Pacific fit into the Indo-Pacific? Read a summary of the thoughts of Pacific, NZ and Australian speakers on the changing geopolitics of the region during a recent workshop at the ANU.
Open Access
In Between: Personal experiences in the 9-year long conflict on Bougainville and Habuna Momoruqu (The Blood of my Island) Violence and the Guadalcanal Uprising in Solomon Islands
(Canberra, ACT: Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, College of Asia and the Pacific, The Australian National University, 2002) Tanis, James; Gray, George

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